and Darius the retail-trader, an epithet implying that he was the first to introduce some order into the administration and finances of the empire. He divided his vast dominions into twenty provinces, and appointed the tribute which each was to pay to the royal treasury. These provinces were called satrapies, from the satrap or governor, to whom the administration of each was entrusted. Darius was also the first Persian king who coined money; and the principal gold and silver coin of the Persian mint was called after him the Daric. He also connected Susa and Ecbatana with the most distant parts of the empire by a series of high roads, along which were placed, at suitable intervals, buildings for the accommodation of all who travelled in the king's name, and relays of couriers to convey royal messages.

§ 13. Although Darius devoted his chief attention to the consolidation and organization of his empire, he was impelled by his own ambition, or by the aggressive spirit of the Persians, to seek to enlarge still further his vast dominions. For that purpose he resolved to attack Scythia, or the great plain between the Danube and the Don, which was then inhabited by numerous nomad and savage tribes. His army was collected from all parts of the empire; his fleet of 600 ships was furnished exclusively by the Asiatic Greeks. To the latter he gave orders to sail up the Danube, and throw a bridge of boats across the river, near the point where the channel begins to divide. With his land forces the king himself marched through Thrace, crossed the Danube by the bridge, which he found finished, and then ordered the Greeks to break it down and follow him into Scythia. His plan seems to have been to have marched back into Asia round the northern shore of the Black Sea, and across the Caucasus. But being reminded by one of the Grecian generals that he was embarking upon a perilous enterprize, and might possibly be compelled to retreat, he thought it more prudent to leave the bridge standing under the care of the Greeks who had constructed it, but told them that if he did not return within sixty days, they might break down the bridge, and sail home. The king then left them, and penetrated into the Scythian territory. The sixty days had already passed away, and there was yet no sign of the Persian army. But shortly afterwards the Ionians, who still continued to guard the bridge, were astonished by the appearance of a body of Scythians, who informed them that Darius was in full retreat, pursued by the whole Scythian nation, and that his only hope of safety depended upon that bridge. They urged the Greeks to seize this opportunity of destroying the whole Persian army, and of recovering their own liberty by breaking down the bridge. Their exhortations were warmly seconded by the Athe

nian Miltiades, the despot of the Thracian Chersonesus, and the future conqueror of Marathon. The other rulers of the Ionian cities were at first disposed to follow his suggestion; but as soon as Histiæus of Miletus reminded them that their sovereignty depended upon the support of the Persian king, and that his ruin would involve their own, they changed their minds and resolved to preserve the bridge. After enduring great privations and sufferings, Darius and his army at length reached the Danube, and crossed the bridge in safety. Thus the selfishness of these Grecian despots threw away the most favourable opportunity that ever presented itself, of delivering their native cities from the Persian yoke.

§ 14. Notwithstanding the failure of his expedition against the Scythians, Darius did not abandon his plans of conquest. Returning himself to Sardis, he left Megabazus with an army of 80,000 men to complete the subjugation of Thrace, and of the Greek cities upon the Hellespont. He gave to Histiæus the town of Myrcinus, near the Strymon, which the Ionian prince had asked as a reward for his important service in the Scythian campaign. Megabazus experienced little difficulty in executing the orders of his master. He not only subdued the Thracian tribes, but crossed the Strymon, conquered the Pæonians, and penetrated as far as the frontiers of Macedonia. He then sent heralds into the latter country to demand earth and water, as the customary symbols of submission. These were immediately granted by Amyntas, the reigning monarch, B.C. 510; and thus the Persian dominions were extended to the borders of Thessaly.

While Megabazus was engaged in the conquest of the Pæonians, he had noticed that Histiæus was collecting the elements of a power, which might hereafter prove formidable to the Persian sovereignty. Myrcinus commanded the navigation of the Strymon, and consequently the commerce with the interior of Thrace; and the importance of this site is shown by the rapid growth of the town of Amphipolis, which the Athenians founded at a later time in the same locality. On his return to Sardis, Megabazus communicated his suspicions to Darius. The Persian king, perceiving that the apprehensions of his general were not without foundation, summoned Histiæus to his presence, and, under the pretext that he could not bear to be deprived of the company of his friend, proposed that he should accompany him to Susa. Histæus had no alternative but compliance, and with unwilling steps followed the monarch to his capital. This apparently trivial circumstance was attended with important consequences, as we shall presently see, to the Persian empire and to the whole Hellenic race.

CHAPTER XVI.

THE IONIC REVOLT.

§ 1. Introduction. § 2. Naxian exiles apply for aid to Aristagoras. § 3. Expedition of Aristagoras and the Persians against Naxos. Its failure. § 4. Revolt of Miletus and the other Greek cities of Asia. § 5. Aristagoras solicits assistance from Sparta and Athens, which is granted by the latter. § 6. Burning of Sardis by the Athenians and Ionians. § 7. Death of Aristagoras and Histiæus. § 8. Defeat of the Ionian fleet at Lade, § 9. Capture of Miletus and termination of the revolt.

§ 1. BEFORE setting out for Susa, Darius had appointed his brother Artaphernes satrap of the western provinces of Asia Minor, of which Sardis continued to be the capital, as in the time of the Lydian monarchy. The Grecian cities on the coast were nominally allowed to manage their own affairs; but they were governed for the most part by despots, who were in reality the instruments of the Persian satrap, and were maintained in their power by his authority. Miletus, which was now the most flourishing city of Ionia, was ruled by Aristagoras, the son-in-law of Histiæus, since Darius had allowed the latter to entrust the sovereignty to his son-in-law during his absence. For a few years after the return of the king to Upper Asia, the Persian empire enjoyed the profound calm which often precedes a storm. It was the civil dissensions of one of the islands of the Egean which first disturbed this universal repose, and lighted up a conflagration which soon enveloped both Greece and Asia.

§ 2. About the year B.C. 502, the oligarchical party in Naxos, one of the largest and most flourishing of the Cyclades, were driven out of the island by a rising of the people. The exiles applied for aid to Aristagoras, who lent a ready ear to their request; knowing that if they were restored by his means, he should become master of the island. But his own forces were not equal to the conquest of the Naxians, since they possessed a large navy, and could bring 8000 heavy-armed infantry into the field. Accordingly, he went to Sardis to secure the co-operation of Artaphernes, holding out to the satrap the prospect of annexing not only Naxos and the rest of the Cyclades, but even the large and valuable island of Eubœa, to the dominions of the Great King. He represented the enterprize as one certain of success, if a hundred ships were granted to him, and offered at the same time to defray the expense of the armament. Artaphernes gave his cordial approval to the scheme; and as soon as the king's consent was obtained, a fleet of 200 ships was equipped and placed at the disposal of Aristagoras. The forces were under the command of Megabates, a Persian noble of high rank.

Taking the Naxian exiles on board, Aristagoras sailed from Miletus towards the Hellespont (B.c. 501). To divert the suspicions of the Naxians, a report was spread that the armament was destined for a different quarter; but upon reaching Chios, Megabates cast anchor off the western coast, waiting for a fair wind to carry them straight across to Naxos. Being anxious that the ships should be in readiness to depart, as soon as the order was given, Megabates made a personal inspection of the fleet, and discovered one of the vessels left without a single man on board. Incensed at this neglect, he summoned the captain of the ship, and ordered him to be put in chains with his head projecting through one of the port-holes of his own vessel. It happened that this man was a friend and guest of Aristagoras, who not only set the authority of Megabates at defiance by releasing the prisoner, but insisted that the Persian admiral held a subordinate command to himself. The pride of Megabates could not brook such an insult. As soon as it was night he sent a message to the Naxians to warn them of their danger. Hitherto the Naxians had had no suspicion of the object of the expedition; but they lost no time in carrying their property into the city and making every preparation to sustain a long siege. Accordingly, when the Persian fleet reached Naxos, they experienced a vigorous resistance; and at the end of four months they had made such little way in the reduction of the city, that they were compelled to abandon the enterprize and return to Miletus.

§ 4. Aristagoras was now threatened with utter ruin. Hav

ing deceived Artaphernes, and incurred the enmity of Megabates, he could expect no favour from the Persian government, and might be called upon at any moment to defray the expenses of the armament. In these difficulties he began to think of exciting a revolt of his countrymen; and while revolving the project, he received a message from his father-in-law, Histiæus, urging him to this very step. Afraid of trusting any one with so dangerous a message, Histiæus had shaved the head of a trusty slave, branded upon it the necessary words, and, as soon as the hair had grown again, sent him off to Miletus. His only motive for urging the Ionians to revolt was his desire of escaping from captivity at Susa, thinking that Darius would set him at liberty, in order to put down an insurrection of his countrymen. The message of Histiæus fixed the wavering resolution of Aristagoras. He forthwith called together the leading citizens of Miletus, laid before them the project of revolt, and asked them for advice. They all approved of the scheme, with the exception of Hecatæus, who deserves to be mentioned on account of his celebrity as one of the earliest Greek historians. Having determined upon revolt, the next step was to induce the other Greek cities in Asia to join them in their perilous enterprize. As the most effectual means to this end, it was resolved to seize the persons of the Grecian despots, many of whom had not yet quitted the fleet which had recently returned from Naxos. Aristagoras laid down the supreme power in Miletus, and nominally resigned to the people the management of their own affairs. The despots were seized, and a democratical form of government established throughout the Greek cities in Asia and in the neighbouring islands. This was followed by an open declaration of revolt from Persia (B.C. 500).

§ 5. The insurrection had now assumed a formidable aspect; and before the Persians could collect sufficient forces to cope with the revolters, Aristagoras resolved to cross over to Greece, in order to solicit assistance from the more powerful states in the mother country. He first went to Sparta, which was now admitted to be the most powerful city in Greece. In an interview with Cleomenes, king of Sparta, he brought forth a brazen tablet, on which were engraved the countries, rivers, and seas of the world. After dwelling upon the wealth and fertility of Asia, he traced on the map the route from Ephesus to Susa, and described the ease with which the Spartans might march into the very heart of the Persian empire, and obtain possession of the vast treasures of the Persian capital. Cleomenes demanded three days to consider this proposal; and when Aristagoras returned on the third day, he put to him the simple question, how far it